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Seeing Roya Firsthand In the Coffee Fincas of Matagalpa with COOMPROCOM

IMG_1947Managua          We rolled out at dawn for Matagalpa with Managua stirring all around us as the city waited on corners for buses to work. In two and a half hours ,we were rolling up the narrow streets and steep hills looking for the gas station near the Centro, which was our landmark, in a journey that took twice as long in 1981 and included some dirt roads in patches. We were meeting Ervin Calixto Miranda, the secretary general of the COOMPROCOM coffee cooperative. We wanted to see the impact of the roya or coffee rust epidemic firsthand, as well as understanding more about the challenges faced by cooperatives in contemporary Nicaragua.

If you ever want to fully understand from nuts to bolts how a coffee cooperative works, and the immense challenges they face, particularly financial, find Ervin! Before we left to scale the mountain and visit several farms (fincas), Senor Calixto gave us a master class in the financial struggles of a cooperative and its individual farmers. Ervin had been raised on a farm, as had all of his staff, and managed to go to university and a career in finance, before coming home to the cooperative, so he could break it down for us.

COOMPROCOM started in 2002 with 52 members and now has grown to 250. In the beginning they were 100% organic, but are only 40% now, and roya is no small part of the problem, though economics are also challenging as well. For their organic and fairtrade coffee some of their farmers have a series of certifications, all of which cost them money and make them money. Organic certification gives the producer 30 cents more per pound, and costs 5 cents per pound of coffee to achieve. Fairtrade certification from FLO, the Fairtrade Licensing Organization in Bonn, Germany gives them another 20 cents/pound and costs 3 cents, and those that have the additional Rainforest Action Network certification make another 15 cents/pound at a cost of 5 cents/pound. It all adds up and for those farmers growing conventional Arabica beans, they can get almost as much per quintal, without the costs and the years of work to achieve the number. A farmer gets $160 per quintal for conventional and about $180 with the certifications.

A quintal is a classic weight measurement that is the standard for Central American coffee and equals a hundred kilograms or roughly 220 pounds. Ervin broke out the rest of the costs per quintal for us as well. Processing would cost $10, taxes $5, and they were rising, exporting would be another $6.00, the Cooperative fees were 5 cents per pound or about $10, if I followed him correctly. The farmer is lucky to have $154 from the $180 quintal, which is part of the short term tension between conventional and the whole package. You have to believe that the savings on different pesticides will be offset over time.

All of which is challenged by the roya epidemic which we saw firsthand up the mountain. One small farm we visited had lost 90% of his production. The last two years saw the roya reduce 25% of production across the coop for the first attack, and then 13% more in the second attack in the second year for an average decline of 38%. Organic plants are hit worse. Ervin and some of the farmers showed us their work in pruning to strengthen the plant as well as the new plants being put into production for the next three year growing cycle. They were experimenting with a more resistant form of coffee plant, but couldn’t tell if it would match the quality standard. Part of the roya problem is that it reduces the quality by weakening the bean and a cup rating of 82 won’t sell, while there will be a line for an 86 cup. We saw some plants with the roya spots still on them that were now resistant. One small farm with loans from the coop was going through the whole process of rebuilding his crop to top certifications. Where we visited at 2100 meters or almost 6900 feet on the climatic edge of the rain forest, the coffee plants were luxuriant. This was a well-run cooperative, and it seemed that the right steps were being taken, and they would make it.

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Drummond Pike, who had visited 30 years ago, when cooperatives were a dream, saw real hope here, as all of us did, but they were doing it on their own. The financing was tenuous and based on contracts and long standing relationships with their broker in England and their markets there and in the USA, so there was no government assistance, credit was thin, and growth past 300 members seemed untenable in their view for protecting quality standards.

Meanwhile fewer children were staying on the farms. The roya was pushing them into other crops while they regenerated the farms. Worse, the math was precarious. Producers getting less than a dollar a pound at the ground level for coffee selling at least that and often double and triple for the consumer, is a market efficiency that continues to leave the farmer in perilous shape in rough living conditions and hard work, and those of us supporting fairtrade coffee wondering if all of this is sustainable either at the back end or the frontend.

 

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Father Rob Currie in Arenal, Nicaragua Has Organized in the “Vineyards”

10482266_720714671309204_689784141884698548_oManagua          Mike Gallagher, veteran organizer and longtime friend and comrade, told me after his stay in Nicaragua earlier this year that Bob Currie was worth a visit. On the calendar for the Organizers’ Forum I had marked “small village case study.” I’m not sure if Father Currie had suggested that topic or someone else, but when we opened the sessions for our dialogue we were each greeted by a warm abrazos and a huge smile, each of us must have sensed we were in for something special and there wasn’t going to be anything small about this case study.

From the beginning Father Currie offered us a choice of going right to questions and answers about Nicaragua or hearing about work as an organizer, and fortunately I chose the long road, and it was well worth it. Currie had begun his time as a Jesuit with an assignment to Bihar, India in 1966 at 26 years old and found himself in the poorest state in that country working in rural areas where he was almost overwhelmed by the oppression everywhere around him. Originally from Philadelphia, he had to go home due to his father’s illness, and found himself in Chicago searching for tools he could use in India, and ended up working as an organizer with Tom Gaudette, Shel Trapp, and others in building the famous Organization for a Better Austin, OBA. The turning point for him was having a landlord his group had targeted come looking for him in the office, ranting and raving, and then seeing the landlord eviscerated by his leaders later the same evening at the meeting as they went from anger to power. Back in India he started organizing around land reform and practices, and found himself expelled during the time of troubles with Indira Gandhi.

Back in the United States he ended up in West Virginia, and once again it didn’t take long for him to realize that land was the issue there as well, along with the coal companies that controlled it. Once pushed out of West Virginia by church hierarchy, he ended up working in Kentucky and then at the Highlander Center on seminal research being done by John Gaventa on land control and taxes throughout Appalachia. In the wake of the Nicaraguan revolution,  he went to see how to help and in 1988 ended up assigned to work in a cooperative in Arenal, a rural community of 700 families and a combination of five villages with 7000 residents, where he watched and waited, endured the hurricane, and in his words, “farmed for 8 years.” When the cooperative asked him to expand his organizing the result was the creation of a network of education, youth, and other groups that called themselves GRUDESA (Go de Solidaridad-Arenal, the Arenal Solidarity Group).

He counts his work in measured specifics. In working with young people from the area, 90 have now gone to universities and 50 have graduated. In the one piece I could find that Currie had written he described his early work:

It was during this time that three young women of Arenal became our first three university students. We also initiated an alternative reading program for little ones in the community, introducing them to the wonders of reading. We tried to improve the local health center, organizing to ensure the presence of a doctor two or three days a week, and pressuring the government to provide more medicines. We worked to defend the community cooperative against former landlords who were trying to take back the lands of the cooperative by force; likewise, through the cooperative we initiated a nutrition program for children in the community.

 

Change has involved conflict. He noted that the emergence of women’s leadership in so many of their efforts has upset and disoriented many of the older men unused to this, especially now that they have also organized a cooperative pharmacy to supply generic drugs and many other programs. Controversy is easy to stir up as well. A small Sunday morning discussion on the pros and cons of the proposal by a Chinese businessman and President Daniel Ortega about building a second canal connecting the Atlantic and Pacific led to a meeting called of all the party militants in the FLSN in his area to tamp down opposition.

Father Currie was able to shed light on many issues for us that were larger than Arenal from the canal to the new Law 779 on sexual abuse. That law which Currie felt as written was perhaps the strongest “on the continent,” and had been so much of the focus of our earlier meeting with the women’s groups, Currie told us was gutted in many ways by a series of regulations unilaterally issued by Ortega pushing the process back to mediation and private remedies further ostracizing and isolating the women, rather than the judicial process with criminal charges as written.

Currie’s work “in the vineyards” as an organizer and a Jesuit also gave us some ground testing for many claims and contradictions from our meetings, but even when he offered a critique of certain programs and policies, it was with boundless good well and amazing optimism. The strongest groups in the country for change he felt were various national and local women’s organizations and he waxed eloquently on the prospects for women leading changes in the country. No matter how strong the government or how ubiquitous the party, local organizing worked, produced results, change, and power, and was the way forward, and while doing the work, he would always advise, “keep an eye on who is controlling the land.”

I asked him how ACORN should respond to requests to provide help and assistance to local efforts to organize in the barrios and along the Atlantic Coast where people feared relocation by the canal. Were we crazy to even consider it? He pointed to the north and the issues with mining and waved his arms everywhere about the issues with the canal. He again professed how much of a supporter and admirer he had always been of ACORN.

There was work to be done, and he would be doing it in his own inspiring and ebullient way. Father Rob Currie was a good reminder, as he walked away to return the Jesuits’ truck on time, how hard it is for any of us to do anything less than everything possible we can also do, wherever and whenever we are called to do it.

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Local Government in Nicaragua: Post-Revolution or Advanced Neo-Liberalism?

IMG_1883Managua            We cut a deal with the hotel van driver for a lift to Casa de Mujer in the Tipitapa barrio, a large low and moderate income community on the outskirts of Managua. We were going there to meet with representatives of two groups, the first were the women who worked as promotoras, or volunteer health workers working with other women and families, from the center, and the other was a representative from Juventud Sandinista. We received an education in the importance attached to increased empowerment of women and their roles since the revolution, but we also stumbled through a crash course in the role of the municipal and state government apparatus in a poor country like Nicaragua.

The center was named after legendary women, critical in the Sandinista revolution, and from the Casa de Mujer’s director we got a passionate report on the work of the promotoras as well as the challenges women continued to face. The 30 women working from the center were barely paid given the scarce municipal resources and often not fully recognized for their work, which was largely educational. The director was careful to emphasize that this was not because of the government, because the laws were in place, but what she called the sistema, but which she defined more pointedly as the continued pervasive culture of machismo. Women were represented in her words, but they were not heard or empowered, and this was a continuing struggle. Her promotoras had organized health fairs attended by 30,000 and watched men get the recognition for their work. After all her years running the program in Tipitapa and the region, she still did not have an office in the municipal headquarters of the mayor.

 

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The representative of the Juventud Sandinista was a younger woman, in fact to be a volunteer member of the group you had to be between 18 and 34 years old. She was one of the dozen directors, and there were a host of other volunteers. Their roles were expansive in communicating citizen needs to governmental authorities and in turn delivering government response and services back to people. When we walked through the neighborhood, an open and leaking sewer drain, that was one of the most obvious issues we encountered, she explained that it was someone else’s job on the committee to report. This was the system in place for people to interact with municipal government, not directly, but through these committees at various levels until a response was received. When asked what might happen if community residents organized independently, everyone agreed that there had never been such a situation where people organized on their own “to demand more.” Any mention of the word “autonomous” was a flash point provoking extensive response.

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This committee was also responsible for determining which families received the bono, as welfare is called in many Latin American countries. The bono in Nicaragua is not money. Tipitapa has an allocation of 2000 food “packets” that they can distribute to families every three or four months, and if they run out they can request more. As she explained it to us, the young people evaluate the formal requests to determine whether the family qualifies or deserves the bono. Our delegation asked a number of questions about how they were trained and the standards they used for determining eligibility, but the answers all seemed highly discretionary. In asking about the problems of cash assistance the responses indicated that there was a small microfinance program that could loan up to 5000 cordobas to women for small businesses, paid back at no interest over three or four months.

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We were in the high weeds as our friends detailed proudly the laws in Nicaragua for dealing with absentee fathers. One question from our delegation concerned the fact that historically 60% of more of families were unmarried. Our friends said it was perhaps 40% now, but a woman could require the alleged father to be tested, and, if tested positive, he had to take full and financial responsibility for the child, and if unable, he would be jailed. Other than the required testing, the system seemed to track the USA laws. When asked how the children were supported if the father was in jail for child support, it turned out that the grandparents were held legally responsible, and the extended family was the system in place.

If we had not been in Tipitapa outside of Managua, many of the responses to our questions would have felt comfortable coming out of a radical Tea Party spokesperson’s mouth in the United States: have the families and community handle the issues privately with the government having no role or responsibility. Too many of the responses also seemed like the neo-liberalism continually critiqued by Latin American governments and leaders as well, since neo-liberalism is a basically a reduced definition of the role of government.  In Nicaragua we were hearing some confusing and contradictory messages of a government and a party synonymous with much of the government that was ubiquitous down to the level of each house on the block, so to speak, but somehow not responsible or without the capacity to provide for many of its citizens.

We were learning a lot and our questions were multiplying as we searched for more answers and understanding.

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The Nicaraguan Informal Workers Union

IMG_1828Managua           The first day of the Organizers’ Forum dialogue in Nicaragua started inauspiciously, but somehow typically, with confusion. We happened to have arrived in Managua during the celebration of independence from Spain, which is a multi-day affair here with several days of holidays when business has pretty much ground to a halt. We were scheduled to meet the leadership of the Nicaraguan informal workers union and the time for the meeting kept bouncing around from the afternoon at their offices to early morning at our motel, to a call as we sat in the lobby waiting for them that they were waiting for us at their office. In other words a typical Organizers’ Forum adventure, but luckily there is no more adaptable group of fellow travelers in the world than a bunch of organizers, even if it’s herding cats all of the time!

What wasn’t typical was the dozen years of experience and success that Adrian Martinez, the Secretary General of the Confederacion de Trabajadores por Cuenta Propia, and several of his executive board and staff, shared with us. This was a union of informal workers or in a more literal translation, a union of the self-employed.

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The vital statistics of the union were impressive. Founded a dozen years ago, the union now boasted 55,000 members throughout cities in the country, organized in 152 local chapters or branches that had been “recognized” by the government. 65% of their membership were younger workers between 16 and 40 years of age. The majority of their general secretaries of the locals are women. We were unable to determine the exact process of “recognition,” though it seem to be a registration system similar to India, though only one system nationally, rather than different thresholds and procedures in each state as we have found in India.

Secretary Martinez was also candid about the internal life of the union. Dues payments averaged about 20 to 30 cordobas per month, which is roughly $1 USD per month. They were lucky to have about two-thirds of their members actually pay dues in any month, so this continued to be a challenge, just as it is for us in India and elsewhere where dues collection is hand to hand. Each of their chapters collects dues themselves. The aristocracy of their union are the money changers, who they have gotten recognized to do money conversion almost competitive with banks, with official name tags they indicate their union affiliation. They pay dues of between $20 and $30 per month! The paid staff of the union, including the officers, like Martinez, number six for the country with four men and two women, and lot of volunteers driving the union.

Our delegation asked a number of very pointed questions of Martinez to try to understand the exact nature of the union’s relationship to the government. They insisted it was completely autonomous. They had several of their officers that had been elected as deputies in the parliament, and they had won appointment of one of their members on a governmental commission that sets the minimum wages in different occupations, but these were things that they had won as they grew stronger. They were supporters of the governing party and President Daniel Ortega, but represented their position as part of the coalition of his support rather than directly connected to the government or the party.

Their victories were along the lines of what I have described elsewhere as the Mumbai Model where they have managed over time to get various groups of informal workers included in the social security system though they are self-employed and set minimum wages for their workers, that they proudly insisted, as true unionists everywhere, were higher than the national minimum wage. A central victory of the union has been increased security for their members who, like informal workers everywhere, were routinely arrested and relocated by the police since they are often working in the street, sidewalks, and other public areas.

In this vein the union was founded in 2002 when a street vendor was accused of shooting the Managua police chief and 360 vendors were arrested and accused of the crime. Martinez had been trying to organize the union for some time before that without getting much traction, but upon the arrests went into action for weeks until he was able to get all of the vendors out of jail, converting them to members, proving the union could deliver, and launching what is now a fascinating union of more than 50,000 members of the 1.2 million informal workers employed throughout the country.

Martinez described the mission of their union as trying to change the world given the growth of the numbers of informal workers. Success in organizing and stabilizing such informal and precarious work, just might do that!

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Are Peoples’ Services a Prelude to Peoples’ Empowerment for the Poor?

IMG_1794Managua         The Organizer’s Forum in Nicaragua will start with a bang on its first full day with a meeting with the head of the informal workers’ union followed by a visit with a representative of the Nicaraguan cooperative movement. Waking up early it was still sprinkling after more than a dozen hours of intermittently hard and soft rain, but now at dawn the sun is breaking through the clouds. A hummingbird is buzzing around the birds of paradise blooms, the heat and humidity have not ginned up yet, and for a minute the internet is working. I was able to reach over the bar and make myself so hot water so with my Fair Grinds coffee and chicory blend and a portable French press, I’m having myself a morning before the deluge of the week.

Reading the papers on the internet and thinking about the contradictions of the Nicaraguan revolution and the questions already forming after having read several books to refresh and deepen my memory of those times, including Steven Kinzer’s contemporary classic, Blood of Brothers, Father Joe Mulligan’s The Nicaraguan Church and the Revolution, who we knew from his earlier time in Detroit, and a New Yorker piece on plans for a possible canal to compete with Panama written earlier this year, I found myself conflating both home and abroad. In the standard playbook of government and power to gain and hold the support of the poor, the government has to provide services, but are providing some level of services a prerequisite to being able to create the preconditions for empowerment?

Reading the papers, two items were troubling. One of course centers on the challenges looming with the coming renewal and enrollment period under the Affordable Care Act. The renewal notices are coming soon to offer automatic enrollment, but as easy as it seems, customers won’t necessarily know if the cost will be the same or if their circumstances on wages and income will give them the same deal. How many will renew as a default under this kind of “choice architecture?” A ton, I would imagine, especially given that the 30-day re-enrollment window between November 15 and December 15th doesn’t give anyone the luxury for shopping much less thought and reflection. Plus, we will have the additional 5 million people that are being projected to enroll undoubtedly without much assistance as the limited help available for the first year has been curtailed at both the federal and state level. Another article talked about the 1.2 million loans that would have been approved for potential homebuyers now squeezed out of the market because of credit tightening and the absence of a subprime loan market, if the standards had been those in place in 2001 before everything boiled up and then over.

These are sophisticated issues for people with jobs and income, and they need help. For even poorer families simply trying to navigate certifications, access, and eligibility to get basic assistance, even less exists for many, because real assistance has evaporated. Currently I’ve been reading a couple of histories of the War on Poverty, and service provision was the a priori for many of the advocates of the program, and empowerment was the enemy from President Johnson on down to the local Mayors in most cities. In Nicaragua, the poorest country on the hemisphere for all of the contradictions in how people see this country, the strongest part of the base of support for the government still comes from the urban and rural poor who believe they are receiving services and that they have an ear that will listen, and some voice.

ACORN International and Local 100 United Labor Unions are now trying to patch together what we call Citizen Wealth Centers to provide basic services for lower income and working families across this range of issues at low costs to assure self-sufficiency to find out if we can provide a response to the demand – and distraction of peoples’ needs for services in order to be able to get people to focus on what it takes to build power in communities and workplaces. We’re not sure we can make it work, but we are sure we have to try to see if in fact for poorer families, services are a prelude to empowerment or at least a partner to power. We’ll also see what we can learn in Nicaragua now.

Looking up, I see a rainbow has risen over the roof of the hotel. I’m not superstitious, but I’m going to take that as a good sign from somewhere, so that we can stop there and mull over all of this as we look at today and think about our tomorrows.

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Nicaragua Then and Now

IMG_1804Managua         The Organizers’ Forum delegation to Nicaragua rolled in by bus from Honduras and airplane from the US and Canada to the smallish, but surprisingly new and modern airport in Managua.  We picked up the last two of our group after midnight with the streets deserted on a Saturday as we traveled along well paved, smooth highways.  Nicaragua may be the poorest country in Central America, but no one would know it by first impressions.

Our week seems to be marked by a week of Independence celebrations.  Grandstands were being erected near the Revolutionary Plaza.  Giant yellow trees built like 30 foot tall erector sets were described by cabdrivers as public art designed by the President Daniel Ortega, but that’s simply another item on our list of questions in the week that we’ll be meeting with various organizations, unions, and social  movements in the country.

We started our first session together with some stories of interesting coincidences from 1981.  Yes, 1981!  It turned out that Drummond Pike, an Organizing Forum regular and formerly founder and CEO of the Tides Foundation family of organizations, had visited Nicaragua 33 years ago in August 1981, about 18 months after the Revolution, and that Toney Orr, Arkansas state director of Local 100 United Labor Unions, has also been in Nicaragua, Honduras, and El Salvador from March to December 1981, overlapping each other on their visits.

Drummond had visited with some foundation executives and activists interested in learning firsthand how the revolution was creating change.  He remembered the excitement in the wake of the fall of Somoza, his dictatorship, and the National Guard.  They had visited farming areas in this country.  There was constant discussion and enthusiasm then about breaking up some of the large agricultural holdings in vacant land and distributing the land. There was talk of various institutes being organized to develop better practices and organic farming pilots.  Drummond mentioned that this was before the time of the contras.

Toney’s visit was different or as he said, he didn’t come into the country “last time through the airport.”  He came over in a convoy of trucks from Honduras as part of several teams from the U.S. Army’s to “train” civilians in Nicaragua and then later in El Salvador.  The training was in covert operations, sabotage, explosives, and counterintelligence.  They were getting the contras off the ground.

Their time overlapped and vividly described the contradictions that dominated the last generation in Nicaragua from the time of the revolution to the pushback and support of the counterrevolution by the United States, much of which, as Toney indicated, is still being declassified, and the ups and downs to governments from then until now when one of the Sandinista leaders, Daniel Ortega, the off and on president spanning these thirty years, is once again in office for successive terms.

We are looking forward to understanding what has changed and what has stayed the same, both in Managua and the rural areas where we will also be visiting coffee growing areas and sugarcane plantations.  Mainly we want to know as much of  the what’s and why’s as we can from organizers doing the kind of work we understand here in Nicaragua and why we are still visiting the poorest country in the region and what the prospects are for the future.