Community Radio in Uganda

Catholics have more than six radio stations in Uganda

            Kampala         Writing about community radio in Uganda could be very short, even if not sweet, story:  there is none!

            At least, there is none in the way we might recognize such a concept in the US or even in African countries.  Kenya has a fledgling network of small community radio stations in twenty-two different areas around the country, including four in major slums of Nairobi.  South Africa reportedly has a burgeoning community radio scene.  Uganda, not so much.  At least not yet, and that’s been part of the discussion I have had for days with colleagues while in Kampala, including Ricky Moses and Kenneth Lubangakene.  

            Interestingly, there is no real difference between commercial and noncommercial radio in Uganda.  Every licensed station is able to sell commercials.  This isn’t necessarily a bad thing.  The rationale is straightforward:  it’s hard to support noncommercial radio, so even a station wanting to be community-focused or operate as a noncommercial, is allowed to sell advertisements in order to try and stay on the air.  That makes sense.  In fact, talking to a radio engineer on the phone, as well as my friends, I remarked that a quick count on a website I thought was the government’s came up with almost fifty-five stations.  In such a crowded market, even for a city of 1.5 million that number of stations alone explains why most of them were relatively low power at 1000 watts with only a few at 4000 or 5000 watts.  He claimed that there were as many as 200 that had been licensed.  I was scratching my head at these very different numbers until my friends simply noted how many had gone off the air, unable to make a go of it.

the British Government gave Uganda an old Ford Model T at independence on the pull out…change is hard (displayed in Uganda Museum)

            So even if arguably being able to sell ads might make a station more sustainable, there are still some peculiarities.  The Catholic Church runs a half-dozen stations, and they also sell ads.  Listeners are hardly able to distinguish the church’s stations from any other in terms of programming except that there is a Sunday service that is broadcast and some daily prayers.  The government owns a newspaper which also owns a half-dozen stations or more around the country.  They also sell ads.  That’s a bit dicier when most would wonder if some enterprises might be buying to curry favor.  It’s not quite the Trump emoluments issue, since it is for public, rather than private, gain, but it’s a bit odd.  Add to that another fact that the national police and the national government require any licensed station to provide them each a free hour of broadcast time per week for any messages they want to deliver to people  Given that all stations are also required to pay 5% of gross revenues as a tax along with $500 USD per year annually to maintain the their license, and it all adds up, as another reason stations are allowed to advertise.

            I did hear stories of nongovernmental organizations that had tried to put stations on the air, presumably trying to establish a community radio presence in the country.  A Peace station was one example, but the end of the story was one of internal conflict over buildings and property between the founders, and the programming seems to have become indistinguishable from the rest of the dial.

            There’s huge opportunity here and real demand, but we would be breaking pretty new and hard ground.

a woodcutting in the Uganda Museum shows life and government in its scenes
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Informal Worker Organizing in Kenya

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Discussion with AFL-CIO Solidarity Center in Nairobi

Nairobi Our annual check-in with the AFL-CIO’s Nairobi based Solidarity Center working in various eastern African countries like Uganda and Tanzania in addition to Kenya underscored my belief that the future of organizing has to be among the growing numbers of informal workers. Talking with director, Rick Hall, the real organizing excitement and accomplishment seems to be found in collective agreements won for floral agricultural workers and important new drives with informal fisherman around Lake Victoria among all of the water-sharing countries.

More worrisome was hearing the continued difficulty in implementing the important improvements in standards that had been established for urban and rural minimum wage rates and in other critical areas like the measures protecting domestic workers. The potential impacts of these measures are huge. As we all talked (the ACORN Kenyan organizers, Paladin Partners, and Solidarity Center staff) it was hard not to think about how door-to-door campaigns might work. When Rick mentioned that he wished they could canvass the middle and upper income neighborhoods distributing the standards and getting signed recognitions from householders to actually pay the minimums and provide the benefits, I found myself telling about the 1978 campaign when I moved back to New Orleans with the Household Workers Organizing Committee when we were forcing compliance with for domestic workers who were just gaining coverage under the Fair Labor Standards Act in the USA in that year and trying to make examples out of employers (the Gambino bakery family in city was our big “shame” target) who were paying way below and not paying the required social security payments. Now more than 30 years later Kenya is ahead of much of the world, and certainly Africa, but still has to move a campaign to make the law come alive.

The other story that was disappointing was hearing the ineffective enforcement program by the Labor Department in Kenya of minimum wage violations. Rick and his team were delicate, but it sounded too often like the act of making complaints by workers and unions was seen too frequently as an opportunity by inspectors to cash in from the companies by looking the other way. Seemed like another situation where the “crowdsourcing” tools we were talking about this week in Nairobi might also be effective for our friends and allies in labor unions.

Nonetheless, the story in eastern Africa is still encouraging as a bright light for organizing and organizers fearlessly putting together new and effective strategies and breaking ground for informal worker union. A story from Uganda of a terrible problem in a fish processing center that was the springboard to the fisherman’s organizing where a lockout pushed 400 workers out on the street with 40 active committee members fired when the plant reopened and hundreds of police working for the state and the company against the workers, also reminded all of us why this work is both so hard, and so important.

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