Don’t Believe in Climate Change? So Long, Rural South!

A Texas State Park police officer walks on the cracked and drought-wracked lakebed of O.C. Fisher Lake, in San Angelos, Texas. Tony Gutierrez / AP

New Orleans  A peer review study published in the weekly journal, Science, would give any policymaker pause about the future of huge parts of the United States by the end of this century, if they were willing to read it and heed it. One would think Republicans interested in the future of their party would be rushing to the newsstand and firing up their computers to get a look at the granular detail on their maps to plot their own district lines.

Normally, that would be the case, but the notion that this might be the biggest transfer of resources and wealth from the poor to the rich, might have them high fiving in the aisles despite the dimming prospects for much of their base and their homelands. In the words of Solomon Hsiang, the lead author from the University of California,

If we continue the current path, our analysis indicates it may result in the largest transfer of wealth from the poor to the rich in the country’s history. Combining impacts across sectors reveals that warming causes a net transfer of value from southern, central and mid-Atlantic regions towards the Pacific Northwest, the Great Lakes region and New England.”

The scientists say that in some parts of the South average temperatures will be up between 6 and 10 degrees Fahrenheit per year. Crops won’t grow and money won’t flow.

The New Orleans Times-Picayune highlighted the bad news for the city as one example. They noted that the study says that by 2100 storm surges “caused by a hurricane with a 1 percent chance of occurring in any year – a so-called 100-year storm will be able to top all levees along the Mississippi River throughout the area and most of the area’s east bank hurricane levees.” The reporter quickly noted that coastal planners are already trying to raise the levees for a 500-year storm and flood and these projections are based on current levels. That was reassuring, but lawmakers are already tearing their hair at how to pay the bills for this, and Washington may not be as willing to help.

It goes on and on like this. At lot of the cost involves the fact that people will just plain die of the heat, especially the elderly, in these poorer areas, but this will be part of the 1 to 3% loss in the GNP by the end of the century. You wonder if some will be starving when the projection involves a 50% decrease in agricultural production in Louisiana for example. It just gets worse from there in places like the South with the temperature rising. Seven of ten of the hardest hit areas will be poor counties in Florida with Texas and other southern states taking the rest of the heat. Of course energy costs will be 10 to 15% higher as well. Interestingly the study argues that low-risk labor will be workers employed inside and out of the heat, but their cost will rise. High-risk labor will be workers exposed to the heat, which now is about 23% of the workforce in construction, mining and agriculture, but hours would be reduced, because the work would be unbearable. Warmer days and less winter everywhere also means that violent crime will be likely to increase. There the north finally takes a harder hit than the south with an increase of 3 to 6%.

If it weren’t for bad news though, there wouldn’t be any news in this report.

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Thinking about Teeth

New Orleans   Maybe it’s personal. Several weeks ago, I had a root canal. It’s shocking how much those bad boys cost, and talking to a friend in the northeast, he had to pop for another $500, so I guess it’s time to stop my whining.

On the doors last week though it wasn’t personal. One of my comrades cracked wise, as we were debriefing, that we needed to keep some kind of teeth-to-tattoo count in order to figure the ratios. I laughed then, but the next day in Akron the first three doors my team hit, the count was zero teeth on the first two (with some tattoos!) and ten or so in the front on the third door with three or four tats.

Why don’t we do better in making sure low and moderate income families have dental care?

Reading a newly published book by Mary Otto called Teeth: The Story of Beauty, Inequality, and the Struggle for Oral Health in America, provided chapter and verse while detailing one horror story after another of death and debilitation in lower income communities. Here are some startling facts from Otto’s book:

· For reasons including poverty, isolation, and the lack of private insurance and providers available to treat the poor, roughly one-third of the people living in America face significant barriers to obtaining dental care
· More than 35 million poor children are entitled by federal law to dental benefits under Medicaid, but more than half go without care. Fewer than half the nation’s roughly one hundred fifty thousand working dentists participate in the program.
· Approximately 49 million Americans live in communities that are federally designated as dental professional shortage areas.
· Private and even public dental benefits can help defray the cost of services. But more than 114 million Americans lack them entirely
· Among U.S adults who struggled with unpaid medical bills, 12 percent reported dental bills made up the largest share of the bills they had problems paying, a 2015 survey found.
· Medicare, the nation’s health care program covering roughly 55 million elderly and disabled Americans, does not cover routine dental services.
· Nationwide, a total of 61,439 hospitalizations were primarily attributed to periapical abscesses during the nine years between 2000 and 2009.
· In 2013, only 35 percent of private practice dentists reported treating any patients on public assistance, down from 44 percent in 1990, a separate ADA survey of dental practices found
· one-third (31 percent) of white toddlers and primary school–aged children (aged two to eight) have decayed teeth, the disease afflicts closer to half of black and Hispanic children (44 percent of black children and 46 percent of Hispanic children). And minority children are twice as likely as white children to go without treatment for the decay.

You get the message. Otto’s book makes it clear that the dentists bear a huge share of the responsibility here. They make more per hour than doctors. They have fought allowing dental hygienists doing more, including in public schools. They recommend costly procedures, rather than sealants. They opposed expansion of dental benefits in the original Medicare legislation. They drug their feet until the 1970s to integrate their state associations and, as you can see, they still do not provide service equitably to non-whites or those on public assistance.

How are they allowed to get away with this?

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Hot Check Court Another Debtors’ Prison for the Poor

Sherwood's Hot Check Court Arktimes

Sherwood’s Hot Check Court arktimes.com

Little Rock   My brother-in-law and I agree on a million things, but those are family things, construction projects, upkeep of my trailers, automotive advice, and fixing anything and everything, but we do our best to NOT talk about politics, because he’s what you might call a Huckabee-man in Arkansas terms, and I’m anything but. We know where each other stands, so we know how to walk around most of the rocks in the road. This morning at dawn before I pulled out he said, “You got to see this!” He was following the news on Facebook, so I went over and looked over his shoulder where he was pointing. “Do you know about the “hot check” court? They’re running a debtors’ prison over in Sherwood.” I was all no, yes, and out the door. What the heck was a “hot check” court?

He was on to something though. Out of curiosity, I googled hot check court in Sherwood, which is a suburban enclave in Pulaski County across the Arkansas River and up the road from Little Rock. What you find with Google’s help is that, yes indeed, the City of Sherwood actually has a “Hot Check Division” of the Sherwood District Court of Pulaski County. How could it be that this little town has enough hot checks to have its own division? Are people driving from all over the county, the state, and the South in order to try and pass hot checks? The answer is, yes, sort of.

What had caught my brother-in-law’s eye was that the ACLU and the Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights Under Law had joined to file a suit for several defendants over the practices of this hot check division arguing that they were effectively running a court as a money printing machine exploiting low income defendants by larding on fines, court costs, and penalties connected with the original offense to milk the defendant and when they couldn’t bleed them dry, they were jailing them to keep the system going. The lawyers weren’t shy about referencing how similar this Arkansas mess was to Ferguson, Missouri where this was a system on steroids. They were also quick to mention that the Justice Department had jumped in and sued several venues around the country for using minor infractions as cash machines for their towns and cities.

In a report by the Associated Press one plaintiff is a good example of this system:

The plaintiffs in the case include Nikki Petree, a 40-year-old Arkansas woman who has been in jail for more than 25 days because she was unable to pay more than $2,600 in court costs, fines and fees related to a bounced check she wrote in 2011 for $28.93. According to the lawsuit, Petree initially faced $700 in court fines, fees and restitution, but the amount ballooned over the years due to related failure to appear and failure to pay charges.

The City of Sherwood of course denies everything. Their claims though seem hollow. They argue that it is only after the third or fourth hot check that they jail someone, and that they offer payment plans to resolve the earlier problems. I’m sure no one has every bounced a check, which is what a hot check is, essentially an NSF or non-sufficient funds matter, but these days if you are on not on top of your balances or a deposit goes bad, you could bounce a half-dozen checks in one sitting, bing, bam, boom! And, the City is in cahoots with the County, because Pulaski County has been sending over hot checks for more than 40 years to Sherwood to crank this ATM for them.

The AP reports that this adds up to a pretty penny.

The groups say Sherwood relies on the hot check fines and fees as a significant revenue source for its operations. The city’s receipts from district court fines and forfeitures were estimated to be at least $2.3 million in the 2015 fiscal year, Sherwood’s third-highest revenue source after city and county sales taxes, the lawsuit said.

Before you start South-bashing and pretending that this is just something you find in the backwoods or in broke-ass states like Arkansas, the lawyers are clear this situation exists in a lot of counties around the state for sure, but all of us know that this is common increasingly all over the South and the country, and certainly not confined to Missouri, Arkansas, North Carolina, and other places that have been in the news for creating modern day debtors’ prisons on the backs of the poor in order to avoid fair taxation and harder political choices.

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What Happened to Community Economic Development Strategy?

Civil Rights activists with the Mississippi Freedom Labor Union occupied one of the empty buildings at the airbase to protest poverty, homelessness and political repression in the Mississippi Delta. Greenville, MS January 31, 1966.

Civil Rights activists with the Mississippi Freedom Labor Union occupied one of the empty buildings at the airbase to protest poverty, homelessness and political repression in the Mississippi Delta. Greenville, MS January 31, 1966.

Greenville, Mississippi    Driving between New Orleans and Little Rock on my monthly route to oversee the 100,000 watt KABF in Little Rock and our union operations in Arkansas, you hopscotch from Vicksburg, Mississippi on Interstate 20 to Tallulah, Louisiana in one of the poorest parishes in that state, and go north on highway 65 through Sondheimer and Transylvania until you cross into Arkansas and Eudora. When you come to the dead end at the lake, you can either go left to Lake Village and on up to Little Rock or go right for sixteen miles and cross a modern newish bridge over the Mississippi and land in the delta town of Greenville. I had heard there was a small radio station facing some challenges in Greenville and though I had been missing a connection, it was only a half-hour out of my way to do some cold doorknocking and see if there was any way I could lend a hand.

I was interested in more than WDSV 91.9 FM and 1500 watts of power. In trying to track down the folks at WDSV, I had hit the web to see if MACE, Mississippi Action for Community Education, was still alive and well. It turned out that in fact the old “twin” organization, the Delta Foundation, was actually the license holder for WDSV. When ACORN was still a young organization in Arkansas and starting to expand, we would frequently cross paths with MACE and the Delta Foundation. Funders would ask how we were different and in some cases, suggest we should stop this community organizing stuff and just do economic development like Delta. Ed Brown, the founder of the Delta Foundation was from Baton Rouge, and was helpful when I was opening the ACORN office in New Orleans where he was living then before moving to Africa and later Atlanta. Charles Bannerman, his assistant from New York City, who ended up as the executive director of Delta was a legendary fundraiser and the darling of foundations, large and small, until his untimely death, and many ACORN leaders and organizers were Bannerman fellows over the years, which has become his legacy. Larry Farmer, the MACE community organizer, was my buddy and ally on the Youth Project board. I had been out of touch for decades, so it was worth a detour just to see what was up.

The Mississippi delta is one of the lowest income areas in the country and with its African-American majority the scene of civil rights struggles that in many ways haven’t ended yet. Economically, when you drive through Greenville, you see an abandoned housing project, for sale signs on empty warehouses, and downtown vacancies side by side with current commercial operations. When people talk about economic recovery, the conversation lingers over decades rather than just the last few years.

The Delta Foundation’s building was big and on Main Street. They had been in the small, select group of organizations that were the model for what community economic development might mean in the 70s. Two ladies saw me in the parking lot looking across the street at two radio stations. I was wondering if WDSV was over there, rather than here. They said, no, and showed me the side door where you entered the building. A woman operating a site where you could enroll in pre-TSA airport screening, helped me find the station and called up for folks to come visit with me. We then had a productive session that finally had to end after three hours so I could get on to Little Rock.

Visiting with them and with one of the original founders, Spencer Nash, who was on his way to retirement and had come back to Delta and Greenville from McComb where he had been a judge to run the organization. There had been some problems and a significant debt had to be retired, but in talking with him, it was clear the challenges were deeper than that for Delta. Their strategy had been to buy small manufacturing plants to create jobs in the Mississippi delta region. I asked him about a plant that I remembered they had bought in Memphis that made window fans. Long gone. Nash told me they had also recently sold their plant in Little Rock where they made retractable attic stairways. They had one small manufacturing operation still in the Greenville area. What happened? Nash said that competitors had moved to Mexico, and the Delta couldn’t compete on the labor costs. They provided loans and other small services now in addition to operating the radio station. In some ways their highly touted economic development strategy had been collateral damage swept up by the tidal wave of globalization that has exacerbated inequity by obliterating decently waged manufacturing jobs.

Seems like for this strategy to have continued to work, we would have needed a policy that “sheltered” job development projects like those owned by Delta from NAFTA and the backwash of globalization. We didn’t. And, we won’t, and it’s too late now. AM/FM, KABF, and WAMF, will help WDSV become a community force for our friends in the Delta, but there needs to be a broader and more effective strategy that works for today. Nash told me that my friends and comrades had now all passed away as well, but the problems remain and the banner has to be carried forward!

***

Please enjoy Dwight Yoakam’s Purple Rain. Thanks to KABF.

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Obamacare is Delivering Some of the Goods in Poor States

Screen Shot 2016-08-14 at 10.37.59 AMNew Orleans   There are now some thirty states that have expanded eligibility for Medicaid under the Affordable Care Act. There are twenty states – and a lot of the Republican Congress — that are still dragging their wagons through the dirt, and, if researchers are right, putting their people under the ground as well.

Researchers connected with Harvard’s Public Health School conducted an important experiment. They surveyed people in Kentucky and Arkansas before Medicaid expansion in 2013, again after the first full year in 2014, and finally at the end of 2015 with another year under peoples’ belts. They used Texas as the so-called control state for comparison, since Texas refused to budge on the Obamacare Medicaid expansion for lower-income, working families. Bottom line: 5% more people in Arkansas and Kentucky, too very different states with different approaches on the expansion, felt that they were in “excellent” health compared to do-nothing-much Texas.

Reading about the researchers work on the Harvard Public Health website and its lead author, Dr. Benjamin Sommers, an assistant professor there, offered a good summary that goes deeper than 5%:

Sommers and colleagues surveyed approximately 9,000 low-income adults in Arkansas, Kentucky, and Texas from late 2013 to the end of 2015. The results showed that, between 2013 and 2015, the uninsured rate dropped from 42% to 14% in Arkansas and from 40% to 9% in Kentucky, compared with a much smaller change in Texas (39% to 32%). Expansion also was associated with significantly increased access to primary care, improved affordability of medications, reduced out-of-pocket spending, reduced likelihood of emergency department visits, and increased outpatient visits. Screening for diabetes, glucose testing among people with diabetes, and regular care for chronic conditions all increased significantly after expansion. Quality of care ratings improved significantly, as did the number of adults reporting excellent health.

Debate over? Of course not. Many will wonder, and wait, until larger studies, including the government’s own, provide more data on whether or not people really are healthier or just feel healthier.

Regardless, how people feel may not answer the medical questions fully, but could start to provide answers for the political questions. As we find every day, particularly in the Age of Trump, people vote on how they feel, not based on the facts of the matter. If everything were equal, politicians would see that the trend line of how people feel about their own health and Medicaid expansion is now improving annually. If it continues along these lines, politicians will start playing “duck and cover” which might mean more expansion in the twenty holdout states.

There’s a big “if” though. These same politicians would actually have to care about the poor families that are the beneficiaries of Medicaid expansion, and believe, regardless of the evidence, that they vote, and that some of these poor are their voters.

It might be easier to deliver better healthcare than to convince elected officials of the value of the poor and their votes.

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Neighborhoods Matter a Lot in Determining the Future

Demolition of housing project in New Orleans

Demolition of housing project in New Orleans

New Orleans   A new study being prominently reported argues powerfully that the neighborhood where you live and are raised may have way more to say about determining your future than many families or policy makers or government officials may have been willing to admit. That’s scary for many considering the abandonment of much of urban policy and investment by the federal and other branches of government in recent, and likely coming years, unless there is a major, almost revolutionary shift. Implicit, but unstated, in the dry report melting economics and math together, is how important strong community organizations, like the ones build by ACORN in lower income neighborhoods, could have had the ability to dislodge the depressing path of the future.

Justin Wolfers, an economics professor at the University of Michigan, reported on this harder look at the numbers in The New York Times, reviewing a dissertation being completed by one of his students, Eric Chyn, that is finding that the impact of neighborhood, always understood to be powerful, is even more devastatingly so than earlier assumed. Previous studies have found that children relocated from more difficult environments at a young age outperformed their peers economically by a substantial amount. These studies looked at winners and losers of a lottery in a public housing project, comparing the winners, those who were given a housing voucher to move out, with the losers, who those who were trapped inside. Chyn found that the impact was understated, because everyone entering the lottery was motivated to win, so that the real difference was between those who wanted out, and those who were stuck there. He looked at a more random set of people moved in and out as public housing buildings were dismantled in Chicago and the figures jumped out like screaming demons in an everyday Halloween.

The lack of a serious national housing policy that allows families better odds of emerging in the future is ignored by the right with their pretense of personal responsibility and not pursued as a mission on the order of the search for the Holy Grail on the left. It’s not a two-handed problem, where on the one hand this, and the other hand that. Unless we dramatically improve living conditions – and – opportunity in low-and-moderate income neighborhoods and force economic and racial mobility in communities, health opportunities, educational offerings, and job prospects, then the only thing we seem to be doing is making careers for economics to calculate the level of our failure.

And, part of the equation has to be support, one way or another, of vibrant and aggressive community organizations, and developing the organizers who build them, so that the ways and means to carry on the fight and have people participate in the push will be in place, as well as the ability to hold government and institutions accountable for making the changes that can redirect dismal futures to ones with hope and promise.

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